A third way, which pushes to the center, pushes the civil coalition to the left, but there is visible resistance. KO politicians who used many leftist demands and slogans before the elections, learned to talk about the climate, women's rights, secular state and education, wiped the sweat from their foreheads after the elections and remembered that they were Catholics. .
In the spring, we will have local self-government elections, which, according to preliminary proposals, will be held on April 7 and 21, and European elections in early June. There is a temptation to continue the triumphant march as a coalition on 15 October – an intention expressed by Donald Tusk at a conference on 3 January and reiterated by the left-wing Equality Minister on 4 January. Katazhina Kotuli. However, the joint start of local elections carries the same danger as the single list proposed by Silni Razem. Blurring, fading, loss of characteristic features of individual coalition partners.
Holony's blinding glare
This is especially dangerous for the smaller coalition partners and, in fact, especially for the left. Third, the path that is likely to lead to elections as such carries little risk. Poland's 2050 voters seem to have already accepted an alliance with the PSL.
Marshall Holonia's popularity continues to growThe world media writes about his phenomenon. In this blinding light, for example, relationships are invisible Władysław Kosiniak-Kamish With the hunting lobby, to which the head of the PSL promised privileges, independence and even the right to take children hunting before the elections. Thus, Poland 2050, which was initially closer to the Greens, for which not only being in the EU, the separation of church and state and green energy, but also climate, ecology and animal rights were important, and which, thanks to this progressiveness, was popular with greater support in the polls, Compared to PSL, it slowly but surely loses its freshness and unsystematic character.
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At the same time, it could be a growing challenge for the conservative, demonstrative camp. The Third Way proved to be steadfast on the issue of women's rights, unhurried on the separation of church and state, and against abolition. Church Foundation He is PSL, so he can count on words of support from the pulpit, and he is in power, and money from the KPO has just been transferred to Poland. A third way is the emergence of a new centre-right, Christian-Democratic, which may attract right-wing voters who are cynical, opportunistic and disillusioned by PiS's defeat.
The third way, which pushes to the center, pushes the civil coalition, more progressive in outlook, to the left, where the left stands. But there is a contradiction. KO politicians who used many leftist demands and slogans before the elections, learned to talk about the climate, women's rights, secular state and education, wiped the sweat from their foreheads after the elections and remembered that they were Catholics. . That's why Razem's party didn't enter the government and women have to fight for their rights in the streets once again, with commentators grumbling that “it's not the happiest moment” and “you're helping PiS”.
Will the barriers in front of the Seimas return?
Giving up the center is not easy. Liberal market views, which have been the dogma of political change since 1989, continue to dominate and have until recently given rise to plans for exotic alliances, such as confederation. Compared to Catholicism, it is a bit more difficult because it is impossible to miss the growing secularization and commitment to the youth. At the same time, in order to maintain a hegemonic position, the views of the majority must be represented. Hence the slogans about the October 15 coalition. Generation October 15, Promises of national reconciliation, that is, building a new national unity.
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The coalition must decide whether it represents anti-PiS, which has been its main motive so far, or accepting the democratic rules of the political game, which the voters chose when they voted for the three democratic parties.
It's hard to be anti-PiS when you've already defeated them and promise reconciliation. But it's also hard to be a polite democrat in a country whose political framework and institutions are so severely deregulated that you have to find legal loopholes and use controversial and controversial legal tools to get out of the ever-widening chaos. . We have two public television centers, two judicial centers, and PiS adopts the slogans previously used by the democratic opposition, and even PiS activists say “Constitution, Constitution!” Whether or not “we stand for free speech” sounds false, the legal nuances at an expert level cannot be easily explained to the layman.
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All that remains is to convince them of your good will, which will be difficult, because PiS is and will continue to strive for a short-circuit to prove that the power of the PO is such that PiS has announced that it will reach a dictatorship. based on revenge and revanchism and that it is anti-democratic. He will organize a provocation, and it is not known whether it will come out on January 11 or not, that Seim will need to be surrounded by barriers again. It would be a great victory for PiS.
“Extreme Left and Extreme Right”
PO, in order to ensure its credibility and distinctiveness, to occupy a place “in the middle”, begins to capture the left. In an interview with Karolina Levitska on Tok FM on January 4, Bogdan Zdrojewski gave us an excellent example of this. When asked about his plans for a coalition in the European Parliament elections, he lumped together “extreme left” and “extreme right” in one sentence, talking about their supposed common extremism, pro-Russianism and fascism. When asked by the host who was the extreme left, he first hesitated and finally said that he did not want to participate in the European elections with Adrian Zandberg's party. When pressed again on whether he considered Razem's party pro-Russian, he denied it, but gave the impression that he was going out of his way to label the left as fascism.
We need a miracle on abortion. For example, Holonia is pregnant
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Meanwhile, it is divided. Razem's party did not join either the coalition or the government. Although the New Left has progressive ministries: digitalization and equality, it has started work on partnershipBut he had to swallow a frog in the form of delaying and diluting the issue of reproductive rights, including, above all, abortion.
It was hard to resist the feeling of distress while listening to the happy speeches of the left-wing politicians during the voting of the bill. in vitro. After all, the flagship act of a democratic government should have been the restoration of abortion rights. In vitro, yes, but bundled with other reproductive rights: education, affordable contraception, abortion, and sterilization – It will be a right step, confirming the democratic declarations.
The proposal to build cheap apartments also failed to overcome the barrier of the withered, neoliberal imagination. It's probably too early for that. The fact is that you could Live and do not fall into debt for life, It just doesn't make sense.
The left, which has been consistently building the image of a non-extreme and compromising party for several years, has found itself in a trap. After Razem's exit from the coalition, which made it easier for him to be – unjustifiably and slanderously – surrounded by right-wing fascists and Russophiles, he is weaker and forced to make concessions to his majority partner. It is convenient for him to run with KO in the local elections, but without Razem's support, this could be diluted.
locally
However, in this area, it is the New Left that has structures, not a race.
So far, the “Wars Above” have had little effect on local arrangements. All configurations were possible.
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Most recently in Lublin, when PiS councilors wanted to pass a resolution to build a monument to Lech Kaczynski, PO councilors let them do it. Now such a thing would be extremely doubtful. PiS, to put it colloquially, has gone too far, crossed the line, and no one from the democratic parties wants to touch it. Especially since Donald Tusk still emphasizes the need for responsibility. “You give a finger, they rip off your hand”, “PO or left-wing voters will not forgive a coalition with PiS councilors now” – this is what a local politician says when asked about possible coalitions with PiS councilors in Lublin.
Similar voices are coming from Krakow and Silesia. Even Jakub Czelstowski, the current marshal of the Silesian Voivodeship, who left PiS in November 2022, causing the party to lose power in Silesia, does not enjoy support. It seems that PiS has no business, and the left can take advantage of this, and this is their plan – to enter the coalition on October 15 in as many offices as possible, especially where the advantage is not certain.
Politics is getting old. In Lublin, the PSL wants to join a coalition on October 15 and, together with the PO and the Left, support Krzysztof Žuk for another term, while the people of Holovin want to follow the third way. Local elections appear to be a test of the latter's endurance, with Poland having more to gain in 2050 that still lacks strong structures.
The left-hander's chances are big, Razem's chances are smaller. As well as the third way, he can use the April elections to strengthen his position in the field, but this will depend on the outcome of the negotiations, which, for example, in Krakow, thanks to the premature support of Lukasz Gybala. Daria Gosek-Popiolek They are stuck with Razem.
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